Andreas Broeckmann via nettime-l on Sun, 2 Aug 2026 12:14:42 +0200 (CEST)


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Re: <nettime> Anton Jäger’s Hyperpolitics


folks,

thanks for this interesting discussion. It's good to see that there is a debate about developing a more differentiated understanding of the current political regimes––one that differentiates between the various countries and spheres of relations (and one that recognises that "fascism" is not necessarily the most appropriate term for everything that is going on).

It was curious that after reading Brian's post this morning, I heard a radio interview with the Russian oppositional politician, Yulia Galjamina, who claims that, in her view, it is important to understand that the current Russian regime is not totalitarian, but authoritarian.

https://share.deutschlandradio.de/dlf-audiothek-audio-teilen.html?audio_id=dira_F9BFDCAA8CC611F17BDEB883034C2FA0

[orig. Russian with German translation; this particular section starts around min 14:00]

'Galjamina explained that, like any authoritarian regime, the Russian system is based on two pillars: the depoliticisation and atomisation of citizens. That is why every form of collective action and community ties is needed. “Consequently, simply setting up a book club or organising a neighbourhood festival is already a political act,” added the 53-year-old Muscovite.' (DLF editorial)

She also makes the point that people outside of Russia should be thinking of Russia not as a homogeneous block: she says that it is Putin and his regime who are everybody's enemy, and his party now probably has a mere 16% of support in the population.

... another take on a different kind of hegemonic situation...

best,
-a


Am 01.08.26 um 20:54 schrieb Brian Holmes via nettime-l:
Hello all -

I too noticed that Guardian article, and because of this discussion I just
read the short book in a single sitting. I can see why it is being devoured
by the young British left, because it recounts generational (or really,
decadal) political experiences that are probably almost impossible to
reconstruct for people in their twenties today. If you lived through all
that, however, it makes for a queasy couple hours...

There is no new theory here, unfortunately, in a book whose most important
reference is Putnam's Bowling Alone. It is a sober and detailed examination
of political disaffiliation on both left and right, paralleled by the rise
of purely electoral parties that raise money from the corporate/financial
sector to produce simulacral majorities - so if you never understood that,
read it. It does contain the important observation that the conservative
right, in the US at least, has been able to partially revive some of the
old civic forms. But it was published too recently to offer any insight
into the nascent resocialization, particularly of neighborhood life, that
the left has started carrying out in resistance to ICE. And it has nothing
at all to say about the strategies and organizational forms of oligarchical
capital, especially but not only coming out of Silicon Valley, which are
the most astonishing and threatening developments of the last decade.

If you want to go further with the understanding of contemporary fascism,
Alberto Toscano has a better theory, which does basically confirm Jaeger's
undeveloped notion of Bonapartism (see
https://communispress.com/vectors-of-fascism). Toscano finds a relative
absence, today, of the mass adherence to the productivist and
redistributive policies that characterized Italian fascism as a national
hegemonic project (I mean, one that convinces large numbers of people with
a relatively coherent ideology). Instead he sees the current repressive
violence in the US as directly generated by the state, raising the specter
of "domination without hegemony." Well, that's not even a specter anymore,
it's a plan. What's fortunately not happening is ideological consolidation
and a willingness of half the country to go out and do what, for a while,
it looked like they might. Namely, go out and shoot at the left in the
streets. That would be real adherence to the extremist ideology that is
being overtly promulgated by the state (NSPM-7 etc). It could still happen
after the next elections, but it looks decreasingly likely.

Toscano speaks about a preemptive counter-revolution, giving a lot more
emphasis to the threat to capital that was posed by the 2010's "decade of
protest." That's more realistic and more pertinent than Jaeger's
Baudrilardean portrait of febrile political excitement undergirded by
nothing at all. It's obvious now that there are three solid legs to
Trumpian Bonapartism: old school extractivist militarism, the bid for AI
dominance and the cryptocurrency exit from national economies. All these
things have cost Trump the wobbly fourth leg of populist conservatism,
which is kinda reassuring - except that the whole point of Bonapartism is
to use the populist media and the electoral process as a stepping-stone to
the authoritarian takeover of the state. That's clearly the plan in the US
now.

Jaeger is totally right about the disaffiliation. He's also right that
political parties dependent on oligarchical funds for the "big tent"
simulacra of electoral campaigns are too hypocritical to chart any course
for the future. Yet it's strange that he doesn't look into that future -
really not at all. Democratic societies are presently confronted with
enormous threats: domestic polarization, global war, climate change,
frantic movements of distressed populations, the list goes on. Until
recently, these were conveniently solved by denialism. But in the US today,
war and genocide, murderous militias generated directly by the state and
the staggering corporate attempt to ram AI down our throats as the ultimate
tool of subjective fragmentation and perfected mind control have finally
given very concrete present-day features to the broader historical critique
of racialized class society that marked the 2010s and culminated in the
George Floyd uprising. There is both subjective desire and material need to
overcome the Putnam-Baudrillard quandary of hyperindividual withdrawal
agitated by networked passions. Multiple and expanding crises - from
droughts and wildfires to wars and coming food shortages - offer political
opportunities. The only way forward is to use these crisis situations to
break the paralyzing hypocrisy of pseudo mass parties piloted by oligarchs.
Otherwise it's state of emergency and authoritarianism forever.

Jaeger's book is not a bad one. It's kind of a primer in recent political
sociology, bravo for that. But it has no analysis of future crossroads, no
vision and therefore no capacity to help generate the new organizational
forms that we desperately need. In short, it's an explainer. And being so
short itself - well, it's another fascinating easy read. Give it two hours
and see what you think.

best, Brian
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