Brian Holmes on Tue, 7 Mar 2017 05:02:57 +0100 (CET) |
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Re: <nettime> "talented" women, minorities, and gays |
This is absolutely brilliant, kudos to Morlock for posting it. Nancy Fraser: --"In its U.S. form, progressive neoliberalism is an alliance of mainstream currents of new social movements (feminism, anti-racism, multiculturalism, and LGBTQ rights), on the one side, and high-end "symbolic" and service-based business sectors (Wall Street, Silicon Valley, and Hollywood), on the other. In this alliance, progressive forces are effectively joined with the forces of cognitive capitalism, especially financialization. However unwittingly, the former lend their charisma to the latter. Ideals like diversity and empowerment, which could in principle serve different ends, now gloss policies that have devastated manufacturing and what were once middle-class lives." Does that sound familiar? It's what I have been trying to describe for 20 years. Because what is the flexible personality if not [quoting Fraser] "a 'progressive neoliberalism' that mixed together truncated ideals of emancipation and lethal forms of financialization"? This article overcomes the weaknesses of Fraser's earlier reading of Polanyi and the supposed "triple movement" of emancipatory forces that she identified there. Here she is admitting that any progressive response to capitalism cannot only be measured by its emancipatory capacity (or its fulfillment of identity politics). It also has to include solidarity with all those suffering economic oppression. Otherwise it can be easily coopted into a capitalist hierarchy. That's what Angela Mitropoulos categorically refused to see in our mega-debate over the meaning of Trump's election. For her, Trump won because white males are sexist racists, full stop. This is the equivalent of saying "We are pure and radical and good, while they [just shy of 50% of the US population] are hateful sick ignorant dangerous slobs." Well, I feel pretty alienated from Trump voters too, and I can understand the revulsion. But such a position asks no further question about the political forms that brought us to the current situation. It completely exculpates what Fraser calls progressive neoliberalism. And it shows total blindness to the character of capitalist society in the wake of 1968 - in particular, to the way it integrated selected representatives of oppositional movements into its hierarchy as well as its ideology. To be sure, I do not repudiate emancipatory politics. I agree with Fraser: Rejecting globalization, Trump voters also repudiated the liberal cosmopolitanism identified with it. For some (though by no means all), it was a short step to blaming their worsening conditions on political correctness, people of color, immigrants, and Muslims. In their eyes, feminists and Wall Street were birds of a feather, perfectly united in the person of Hillary Clinton. What made possible that conflation was the absence of any genuine left.... Rather than accepting the terms presented to us by the political classes, which oppose emancipation to social protection, we should be working to redefine them by drawing on the vast and growing fund of social revulsion against the present order. Rather than siding with financialization-cum-emancipation against social protection, we should be building a new alliance of emancipation and social protection against financialization. This is the key, and it has been obvious since Boltanski and Chiapello's book on The New Spirit of Capitalism (even if it wasn't so obvious to the authors themselves). The progressive left - not just the "more radical than thou," but the whole mainstream current - needs to show some solidarity, for cryin' out loud! That's all it would take to get rid of neofascism forever. We don't need to go back on what we have gained. We just need to demand equality *along with* the right to difference. There is one finer point here: Financialization should not only be understood as bankers and traders like Goldman Sachs. Financialization is a form of management inseparable from just-in-time production and the precarious condition of spatially fragmented laborers spread out along global supply chains. Flexibilization is the real vampire squid. That's exactly what oppresses people in the rural red zones. In recent days I've been reading about Tyson corp and what's colloquially known as the "chickenization" of the entire US livestock industry. This has occurred under incredibly tough forms of flexible production contracts that turn nominally independent farmers into the indentured servants of the global meatpackers. Very many of those people voted Trump and they were dead wrong to do so, because he operates in favor of the very system that enslaves them. In fact, the contract farmers have more in common with the immigrant slaughterhouse workers who are exploited to the bone by those same global corporations, than they do with the Republicans in government now. But all the sociology to this date says that the impoverished rural and small-city Trump voters still identify *us*, the supposedly radical emancipatory left, with their financial managers. And the fact is, they do so for two good reasons, as well as a whole bunch of bad ones. First, they do it because so many of us work uncritically for the showiest institutions of cognitive capital (from Silicon Valley and Wall St to Hollywood and Madison Avenue and the Ivy League universities, it's cognitive all the way down). And second, they do so because many of the causes we did take up were instrumentalized by the Democratic party. Nothing obliges us to learn from our mistakes. We can go on despising the populist right and cozying up to our sugardaddy financial elites, ensuring the continued rage of much of the population. We can also proclaim we're the most radical of all radicals, disclaim any responsibility for the present and turn heroically toward total anarchy - an excellent formula for self-neutralization, with the added chance to spark a few street conflicts legitimating police violence and a sweeping deputization of the gun-owning right, which is a growing possibility. Or maybe instead we can try to force a change on the Democratic party, which appears to be the only realistic way to move anything to the left in the USA. "Forcing a change" designates a pretty wide sphere of activity. I am not saying shut up and vote for your betters. Strikes, demos, blockades, and radical symbolic acts are still on the menu. But the constitution of majorities is ineluctable, and the one we were half-unconsciously part of has been washed down the drain. The strikes, demos, blockades and radical symbolic acts of the left are not the harbingers of total revolution. They are better understood as ways of shaping a new majority. And that has to be done through coalition building, not infinite breaks and splinters. The political question is how to create a new center-left where solidarity joins hands with emancipation - or, to put it more crudely, where the expression of difference does not become a mask for the grinding "chickenization" of the fragmented working classes. Without a new majority that can recognize itself in the mirror of a transformed cultural left, the way is clear for an incredible intensification of oppression under the triumphant auspices of the most reactionary social formation since the European 1930s. So let the political rethink begin, dear comrades. Or better yet, for most of you, let it continue. best, BH # distributed via <nettime>: no commercial use without permission # <nettime> is a moderated mailing list for net criticism, # collaborative text filtering and cultural politics of the nets # more info: http://mx.kein.org/mailman/listinfo/nettime-l # archive: http://www.nettime.org contact: nettime@kein.org # @nettime_bot tweets mail w/ sender unless #ANON is in Subject: